That is an advance excerpt from Dignity in Motion: Borders, Our bodies and Rights, edited by Jasmin Lilian Diab (E-Worldwide Relations, forthcoming 2021).
This paper first emerged within the midst of what was pervasively declared to be a ‘migration disaster’. Exodus, drowning ships, determined mass escapes, individuals storming the partitions – from Venezuela to the USA to Algeria, passing by way of Myanmar and Bangladesh, individuals gave the impression to be overwhelmed by what they deemed to be numerous asylum functions they thought was too excessive. Within the media, in political discourses, and in coverage interventions, one might see this generalized concern concerning the burden of an extra inflow of migration, which triggered pervading talks about fingerprinting, Frontex missions, wall-building, and exhausting migrant relocation. By way of all these performances and enactments of emergency, migration arose once more as a matter of danger, as a safety concern. Responding to this problematique, or certainly problematization, the United Nations (UN) Common Meeting handed in September 2016 the ‘New York Declaration for Refugees and Migrants’ as a declaration of political dedication to strengthening the worldwide refugee and migrant safety system.
This chapter explores one of many paperwork that emerged from this declaration, particularly the World Compact for Migration (GCM). Understood along with the World Compact on Refugees (GCR), this piece seems to be at what the GCM does, how it’s framed, and the way it fails, if it fails in any respect. As a solution to method the evaluation, and drawing from literature that has revisited Michel Foucault’s notion of governmentality, it asks how migration is ruled by way of the GCM. Extra precisely, it asks how ‘the migrant’ is represented and rendered governable. The duty right here is to unpack the methods whereby, by way of an unproblematized migration-development nexus, the GCM reproduces, or somewhat reinforces, two completely different classes – i.e., migrant and refugee– informing two methods of governing. This differentiation works to breed a hierarchy of lives between the refugee and the migrant, in addition to between the common and irregular migrant, normalizing such inflexible distinctions.
After laying out the conceptual framework upon which this evaluation relies, this chapter strikes to disseminate how, in and thru the GCM, ‘irregularity’ and ‘the migrant’ are (re)produced. Second, the chapter seems to be at what these processes of naming and labelling do, how illustration works to order human mobilities by way of a myriad of methods of presidency, and what types of information manufacturing these foster. Lastly, it discusses the state-centrism laying on the foundation of this doc to underline the seeming incapacity to conceptualize mobility past safety and borders.
The purpose of this chapter shouldn’t be solely to level to the truth that such inflexible distinctions, informing two completely different compacts, will not be correct to seize human mobilities and displacement. The objective can also be to not criticize the efforts behind the GCM or to say that cooperation shouldn’t be wanted. Reasonably, it makes an attempt to render seen the ability dynamics enabling this doc, in addition to the kinds and methods of presidency it fosters – a set of processes knowledgeable by a framework, which fails to conceptualize mobility past migration and borders, and politics past citizenship. In doing so, this inquiry hopes to trace a manner during which public discourse might transfer past the narrative of danger that monopolizes the political house of contestation, in flip precluding discussions of solidarity, equality, or mobility, which aren’t mediated by way of citizenship, safety, and (il)legality.
This evaluation is related even after the European Fee declared this ‘migration disaster’ to be over (Rankin 2019). Past lockdown and mobility restrictions, the nonetheless present Covid-19 pandemic has left us with some dreadful photos of pushbacks and elevated ranges of violence on the borders of nations corresponding to Greece and Turkey. Therefore, this world pandemic has introduced the subject of human mobility/ies again to the forefront of the dialog. For that, the evaluation of the paperwork, conferences, and declarations that govern the everydayness of human mobilities has not misplaced its relevance.
What’s the World Compact for Migration?
The World Compact for Secure, Orderly and Common Migration is an intergovernmental settlement that was formally adopted in a convention held in Morocco in December 2018. It was endorsed by way of a vote during which 152 international locations voted in favor, 5 international locations – the USA, Israel, the Czech Republic, Hungary, and Poland – voted in opposition to and 12 international locations – Austria, Australia, and Libya amongst them –abstained.
Reaffirming the ‘New York Declaration for Refugees and Migrants’, the GCM describes itself as addressing worldwide migration ‘in all its dimensions’ (GCM 2018, 2) and as a ‘roadmap to stop struggling and chaos’ (UN Information 2018). Clearly set out within the Preamble, the GCM rests on the rules of the United Nations Constitution and the Declaration of Human Rights to ascertain a non-legally binding cooperative framework whereas upholding states’ sovereignty over border management. That’s, regardless that the objective was to strengthen the necessity for cooperation, dialogue, and consensus, there’s a commanding state-centrism informing this doc. Migration and borders stay a matter of the sovereign state.
The GCM additionally outlines the necessity to strengthen information of migration as a solution to advance policymaking. It argues for bettering information assortment and evaluation techniques, in addition to registration and statistical assortment processes, as a way to obtain higher evidence-based options. Therefore, by way of this doc, migration emerges as an object of data, information, and graphs, and as an area to control, a sphere inside which one can intervene, reinforcing the nexus between authorities and information, or certainly authorities by way of information.
The work of Michel Foucault has impressed an unlimited physique of scholarship, giving rise to new analysis, units of questions, and factors of inquiry, amongst which we are able to spotlight the emergence of so-called ‘governmentality research’. As a mode of study, governmentality attracts our consideration to the methods and information that underpin makes an attempt to form the conduct of selves and others in numerous settings (Walters 2012, 30). Put in another way, to control is ‘to construction the potential fields of motion’ by way of a posh ensemble of establishments, procedures, analyses and reflections, calculations, and techniques (Foucault 1982, 790). It designates ‘the best way during which the conduct of people or of teams may be directed’ (Foucault 1982, 790). As such, it’s inherently linked to the train of energy – energy as governmentality, or governmentality because the train of energy. Nonetheless, this isn’t an all-pervasive, one-way, only-destructive energy. Understanding governmentality as a conduct of conduct, because the exercise of (self)conducting a person’s habits and relationality, sheds mild on the immanent risk of resistance or counter-conduct (Foucault 2009, 195), complicating the query of management.
Extra concretely, within the Delivery of Biopolitics, Foucault describes the methods during which the phrase ‘liberal’ could be understood as a governing observe, as a set of methods of presidency. To him, this liberal manner of governing shouldn’t be the respect or crucial for freedom. Otherwise, the liberal organizes and produces freedom, managing the circumstances below which one could be free (Foucault 2010, 63–4). But, this administration of freedom ‘entails the institution of limitations, controls, types of coercion, and obligations counting on threats’ (Foucault 2010, 63–4), particularly, safety. Therefore, for Foucault, safety shouldn’t be merely a compensatory to freedom, not is it a price or a actuality, however somewhat the best way by way of which society is ordered and managed, and freedom is produced.
Utilized to the sector of migration, governmentality helps us perceive the methods during which mobility has been managed and performed, and the refined and complicated video games concerned within the ‘biopolitics of otherness’ (Fassin 2011, 214). Because the anthropologist Dider Fassin has claimed, migration, situated on the coronary heart of the three pillars of governmentality – i.e., economic system, police, and humanitarianism – is deeply implicated within the development of borders and bounds of sovereignty and id/ies (Fassin 2011, 221). Equally, the sociologist Didier Bigo has tried to light up the explanations behind the ever-present framing of migration as a safety difficulty, associated to crime, (un)employment, and integration. The state-centric metaphor of the ‘physique politic’, embedded within the delusion of nationwide sovereignty, creates the picture of ‘immigration related to an outsider coming inside’ along with the presupposition that it’s potential to manage the movement of people on the state borders (Bigo 2002, 67).
The GCM (2018, 2) conceptualizes migration each as an issue that ‘undeniably impacts our international locations and communities’ in unpredictable methods and as a ‘supply of prosperity, innovation, and sustainable improvement’ that may be optimized and subsequently ruled. Therefore, Foucault’s liberal artwork of governing, along with a few of its modern mobilizations, gives a strong software to inquire into the methods during which migration turns into an object of presidency, rising without delay as an issue and a supply of prosperity.
Governing by way of Illustration: ‘Migrants’ and ‘Refugees’
To be ruled, one should be represented as governable. As a place to begin, this compact for migrants, not refugees, normalizes the already inflexible distinction utilized by administrations and border controls to manage, disseminate, and differentiate between the fascinating and undesirable, between the refugee, carrying a ‘forced-to’ sense of helplessness and inevitability, and the migrant, carrying a way of voluntarism. Moreover, this doc reproduces the binary between the common and irregular migrant, a binary loaded with ethical assumptions of price and even criminality and lawlessness.
As we are able to learn from the title, and repeated over 20 occasions all through 34 pages, it is a compact for protected, orderly, and common migration. Utilizing the framework supplied by literature on governmentality, this part unpacks the logics of illustration framing the GCM that reproduce migration as a global, or certainly transnational, downside to be managed. It tries to disseminate how ‘the migrant’ is re-produced vis-à-vis ‘the refugee’ and the way ‘irregularity’ re-emerges with a robust ethical connotation, as one thing unhealthy that must be prevented. Altogether, what ‘migrants’ are, or certainly how they’re represented, informs the best way one ought to reply to them and their claims for cover, bringing to the foreground the politics that include the naming.
From the outset, one finds on this doc a dedication to handle the issue posed by refugees and migrants by way of two separate processes. In different phrases, whereas recognizing that ‘migrants and refugees could face many widespread challenges and related vulnerabilities’ and ‘are entitled to the identical common human rights’, they ‘are distinct teams ruled by separate authorized frameworks’, and ‘solely refugees are entitled to the particular worldwide safety’ (GCM 2018, 2). The train of this labelling energy creates a necessity for the to-be-migrant/refugee to adapt to those two framed-elsewhere classes of being as in the event that they had been actual, already-there types of subjectivity. In flip, this classification of sorts of mobility is employed as a type of intervention for both humanitarian or safety functions, or certainly each without delay, and so should be understood inside ‘the proliferation of dematerialized spatial and ethical borders’ (Mai 2014, 175).
Such a inflexible distinction forecloses the ambivalence and ambiguity, and extra usually the epistemic disaster, across the very labels by which numerous types of mobility are presumed to be knowable as governmental contrivances (De Genova 2017a, 8). Consequently, such nuances because the ‘migrant-ization of refugees’ (Garelli and Tazzioli 2017, 170), the structural violence that may represent the basis trigger for displacement for ‘mere financial migrants’ (De Genova 2017a, 9), and extra usually the methods during which these classes are lived-in, claimed and/or resisted are left unframable.
Otherwise, and as if the UN had been a fully-fledged humanitarian actor, certain by the rules of humanity, neutrality and independence, the GCR (2018, 1–2) defines itself as ‘solely non-political in nature’. This declare displays a seeming obliviousness of the politics of labelling, of what this naming does, or permits. Past that, it is a declare that doesn’t seem within the GCM, as for those who may very well be political with migrants. What’s extra, the GCR employs extra strongly and extensively the vocabulary of vulnerability and safety, accompanied with claims for additional and distinct assist (GCR 2018, 15). Altogether, these compacts reinforce ‘the migrant’ vis-à-vis ‘the refugee’ as topics and objects of presidency by way of a recommended number of coverage plans permitting for fixed monitoring of mobility routes and diaspora communities. In doing that, they work to kind and rank mobilities and claims of safety, which translate into who will get to make what claims and the way legitimate they’re (De Genova 2017a, 8).
Furthermore, within the employment of the lexicon of (ir)regularity, the GCM participates within the replica of the authorized/unlawful binary, which in turns constructs ‘irregularity’ as one thing that, due to its unfavorable impression, must be prevented (De Genova 2017a, 3). Even when it purposely avoids the time period ‘unlawful’ and repeatedly states the significance of eliminating discrimination, by reinforcing the common/irregular binary and referring it to the receiving nation − which is able to juridically decide this (ir)regularity − the illegality of the irregular migrant unavoidably emerges (GCM 2018, 4). Preoccupied with ‘id fraud and doc forgery’ (GCM 2018, 11), the GCM perpetuates such discrimination and forecloses a studying of the methods during which (ir)regularity is produced by way of already present and institutionalized racial and colonial dynamics (see Andersson 2014; De Genova 2004, 2017a, 2017b; or Mc Cluskey 2018). This manufacturing is clear in sections that learn sure areas in want of particular consideration as ‘geographic areas from the place irregular migration systematically originates’ (GCM 2018, 17). Therefore, the irregular migrant arises, within the base of its dangerous/in danger situation (see Aradau 2013), as a non-desired topic.
Governing by way of Illustration: A Human Rights Method
The employment of governmentality as a place of inquiry illuminates the methods during which motion and displacement, efficiently framed as danger, are ruled. It additionally underlines what safety does, and the way the imaginary promise of a knowable future is ‘subtended by practices within the current that characterize issues’, or migration as an issue, ‘as a way to intervene and handle them, act upon topics, and try to conduct their actions in view of the projected future’ (Aradau 2008, 6). Following Foucault (2009, 20), the particular sphere of safety then refers to a sequence of potentialities, ‘to the temporal and the unsure, which must be inserted inside a given house’. On this mild, safety emerges because the artwork of governing and ordering the unsure.
In a extra modern studying of this liberal artwork of presidency, and below the time period ‘liberal cosmopolitanism of presidency’, Vivienne Jabri (2013, 3) captured the latter’s claims to a important and emancipatory agenda during which ‘principle and observe meet in advocacies round worldwide legislation and its transnational reformulations of human rights’. This mode of governance operates by way of a liberal understanding of solidarity and, within the title of peace and human safety, permeates the social by way of pedagogic and developmental practices of policing. By way of this cosmopolitan crucial to convey legislation ‘into drive with each occasion of intervention to uphold rights within the title of humanity’ (Jabri 2013, 117), this ‘humanity’ arises as a location of authorized and political construction, a sphere of intervention. That is the case with the GCM, which undertakes humanity inside its purview of operations, reworking mobility into a worldwide procedural downside in want of administration and determination. But, this a priori benevolent definition of solidarity relies on a twofold understanding of humanity, reinforcing a hierarchy of lives separating those that have the legitimacy and the means to save lots of from these in should be saved.
The GCM brings ahead this hierarchy between the brokers of change and people who should be modified, managed, or ruled. Within the title of human rights and cosmopolitan legislation, the previous (self-)proclaims its authority to intervene over the latter. As beforehand acknowledged, even when the GCM is anxious with preventing discrimination and racism, there are some situations that reproduce spatial hierarchies by labelling some zones as problematic or ‘deteriorating’ (GCM 2018, 8). Moreover, by unproblematically referring migration to improvement, and the GCM to the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Growth, it fills up the misleading generality and vacancy of ‘the receiving international locations’ – ‘making us all international locations of origin, transit and vacation spot’ (GCM 2018, 2) – with these showing as recipients of improvement and risk-reduction applications within the 2030 Agenda.
In Jabri’s work, one additionally finds claims of liberal cosmopolitanism’s complicit participation within the replica of already institutionalized types of domination, corresponding to neoliberal markets. These claims assist us acknowledge the depoliticizing studying of migration discovered within the GCM as one thing, which, following the neoliberal logic of demand and provide, serves the market wants. That’s, it claims that migration must be ruled in methods ‘reflecting demographic and labor market realities’ (GCM 2018, 11), ‘in accordance with nationwide priorities, nationwide labor market calls for, and expertise provide’ (GCM 2018, 23) to ‘guarantee market responsive contractual labor mobility by way of common pathways’ (GCM 2018, 12).
Moreover, studying the GCM by way of these conceptual remarks reveals that the doc’s objective is to not cease mobility, fairly the other. In keeping with Foucault’s (2010, 28) declare of liberalism being ‘the artwork of the least potential authorities’, the compact goals to facilitate migration by ‘providing accelerated and facilitated visa and allow processing’ (GCM 2018, 12) and ‘versatile modalities to journey, work, and make investments with minimal administrative burdens’ (GCM 2018, 27). Knowledgeable by a language of resilience, autonomy, and emancipation, the GCM shouldn’t be about direct, bodily intervention, however self-regulation. Merely put, the purpose is to not block mobility, however to handle, speed up, and flexibilize it. But, for this acceleration to occur, some types of motion should be deemed undesirable, irregular, and subsequently to be stopped. That’s to say, the GCM encourages pace and derogation of bureaucratic procedures for some, whereas preserving others in place by way of improvement applications and insurance policies, alternatively named ‘deterrence’ (see Andersson 2014 and Brown 2010).
Lastly, studying the GCM by way of governmentality brings to the foreground the types of information manufacturing it pretends to foster. The GCM (2018, 4–5, 9–10, 14–15) goals to advertise a pervasive information economic system, which reifies not solely the migrant but additionally the route, or certainly ‘all phases of the migration cycle’ as information variables. Parallelly, this information manufacturing includes everybody, from consulates, diaspora communities, and academia, to the non-public sector, commerce unions, and the media (GCM 2018, 5). The information gaps, the unregistered and extra broadly the unknown, and so the longer term, grow to be an issue. Therefore, by way of superior methods of data manufacturing, the longer term should be rendered predictable or governable (Ansems de Vries 2013; Bigo 2014) as a way to ‘monitor and anticipate the event of dangers and threats that may set off or have an effect on migration actions’ and develop evidence-based insurance policies (GCM 2018, 8).
The GCM as a Query of Nationwide Sovereignty
As a remaining comment, this paper underlines the state-centrism informing this compact and the methods during which it’s alleged to be carried out. Within the ‘Implementation’ and ‘Observe-up and Evaluate’ sections, one finds plenty of ‘we invite’, ‘we permit’, and ‘we encourage’ formulations. The phrase ‘voluntary’ can also be considerable. That’s, it states that the monetary and human assets in control of making use of the factors of this compact are a mere invitation or encouragement to voluntarily elaborate a ‘nationwide implementation plan’ (GCM 2018, 34).
But what, to this evaluation, seems to be like a state-centric doc can also be considered derogating the sovereignty of a rustic over its borders. Particularly on the political proper, some acquired this compact with outrage, believing that it might ‘encourage extra unlawful migration’ and work to erode nationwide sovereignty over the states’ territory (Goodman 2018). Consequently, 5 international locations – the USA, Israel, the Czech Republic, Hungary, and Poland − didn’t ratify it. Hungary’s Minister for International Affairs and Commerce, Péter Szijjártó, declared that the Common Meeting was committing a severe mistake by endorsing ‘this unbalanced, biased and pro-migration doc’ (United Nations, Conferences Protection and Press Releases, 19 December 2018). Migration is ‘a harmful phenomenon’, he careworn, and endorsing this doc might ‘immediate new migratory actions, which in flip would put transit and vacation spot international locations in danger’ (United Nations, Conferences Protection and Press Releases, 19 December 2018). In a not too completely different line, the USA’ consultant mentioned that his authorities couldn’t endorse the compact as a result of ‘choices about how you can safe its borders and whom to confess for authorized residency or to grant citizenship are among the many most vital sovereign choices a State could make and will not be topic to negotiation or evaluation’ (United Nations, Conferences Protection and Press Releases, 19 December 2018).
Having mentioned that, the truth that the GCM shouldn’t be legally binding raised opposing considerations amongst non-governmental organizations and human rights advocates who feared that international locations would by no means totally implement the measures detailed within the doc. Nonetheless, the problem with state-centrism, which this chapter raises, goes past the impossibility to totally implement a compact that may solely be inspired. Otherwise, this paper brings to the foreground the incapacity to conceptualize mobility past migration and borders, and politics past the classes of ‘citizenship’, ‘refugee’, and ‘(ir)common migrant’, the impossibility to consider mobility past the framework of the sovereign state. The GCM stays a query of nationwide sovereignty.
General, this chapter doesn’t faux to be an exhaustive evaluation of the GCM, however an try to make use of governmentality to underline the ability dynamics disguised by the human rights discourse of safety. It desires to problematize the assumed neutrality of the method of naming and convey to the foreground the political agenda behind labelling and the usage of classes corresponding to ‘migrant’ or ‘refugee’, which the compact assumes to be state-dependent. In different phrases, by way of the GCM, the state emerges as respectable to make claims about who will get to be named what and the way.
Utilizing each Foucault and modern scholarship that finds in his work a productive level of inquiry, this chapter unpacks the methods during which, within the GCM, migration re-emerges as an issue to be managed. By understanding liberal governance as an effort to make actuality knowable, or to make actuality seen as information (Ansems de Vries 2013), it sheds some mild on the practices of presidency the GCM legitimizes and the hierarchies of life it perpetuates. It’s price clarifying that, by having two sections – one centered on methods of illustration and one other on practices of governing – this chapter doesn’t counsel that one can perceive them individually. Contrarily, and because it tries to indicate, logics of illustration inform methods of presidency and vice versa.
Lastly, this chapter additionally acknowledges that its concern with state-centrism is on no account accepted by all. As talked about above, some, particularly on the precise, acquired the compact with outrage or just refused to ratify it, stating that it might ‘encourage extra unlawful migration’ and erode nationwide sovereignty over states’ territory and borders (see Goodman 2018 and Rieffel 2018). But, this analysis is pushed by a private conviction that using governmentality can present productive insights into the circumstances of risk of this doc and the state-centric energy dynamics behind it. In different phrases, it tries to argue that understanding safety in its bigger operate of ordering the social illuminates the exceptionality surrounding human mobilities. Extra usually, doing so will help problem the pervasiveness of ideas and terminology corresponding to ‘border’, ‘citizenship’, or ‘irregularity’ that also clog and exhaust the controversy on human mobilities.
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